原编者按：2018年最后一天，美国前总统吉米·卡特在《华盛顿邮报》发表文章，纪念美中两国建交40周年，同时评论中美贸易纠纷及两国关系。卡特曾任美国第39任总统，也被广泛誉为“中美关系领路人”。正是在其任内，中美于1979年1月1日正式建立外交关系。
在卡特看来，中美关系对两国乃至世界均至关重要，分歧应通过对话的双向渠道沟通解决；双方应凭借愿景、智慧和勇气，携手擘画未来。文章主要内容编译如下：
40年前，中国领导人邓小平和我，协力促成中华人民共和国与美国的外交关系正常化，结束了两国持续30年的对立状态。这造就一个时代——以东亚和太平洋地区的和平为其特征。中国经济惊人的增长，叠加了与美国经济的持续交融，使两国成为全球繁荣的引擎。两国科学与文化交流蓬勃发展，美国亦成为中国学者、游客的首选海外目的地。这一关系得以维系40年，足以证明不同历史、文化背景和政治制度的国家，有能力为更伟大的价值而携手合作。然而，上述至关重要的关系如今却面临困难。
我听闻中国部分精英人士声称，美国人正在谋划一个动摇中国稳定局面的“邪恶阴谋”。美国政府的报告中则宣称，中国致力于挑战美国的优势地位，计划将美国逐出亚洲，并削弱其在世界其他国家的影响力。
如果政府中的高级官员们采择此种危险的观念，则我们两国之间爆发当代冷战就不再是天方夜谭。在这样的敏感时刻，误解、误判，或者在台湾海峡和南中国海等地区未能恪守审慎制定的交往规则，都可能令事态升级为军事冲突，从而造成全球性的灾难。
美国对价值2000亿美元的中国商品征收关税，以及中国的报复性关税，令两国关系恶化，亦令双方均受损。
在阿根廷举行的20国集团峰会上，两国同意在90天内暂停进一步增加关税，这为中美两国提供了达成永久贸易协议的可能性。我们该做些什么来巩固这一来之不易的进步，并修复美中关系？
首先，必须迅速而有效地解决美国长期以来的不满——关于贸易不平衡、知识产权保护，以及美国企业在中国投资和经营过程中的际遇。两个国家都不应以“国家安全”为借口阻挠对方的合法商业活动。中国需要竞争，以促进其经济的创新和成长; 建设公平和互惠的关系是双方保持经济实力的唯一途径。
其次，美国人必须认识到，正如中国无权干涉美国事务一样，我们也不具备固有的权利来告诉中国如何管理其人民。即使关系最亲密的国家有时也会互相批评，但此种往来不应成为指令或法令；而更应作为公开对话的双向渠道。中国保持了经济增长，减轻了赤贫状况，并向其他国家提供发展援助，这些成就都值得庆贺。
这种平衡的取径，是确保美国和中国继续共同努力，解决一些最棘手的全球性难题的关键所在。尽管目前在其他问题上存在分歧，但中国的支持对我们正在进行的、推进朝鲜半岛无核化的努力至关重要。北京还可以在中东和非洲等地的冲突后重建工作、打击恐怖主义和极端主义，以及调解其他国际争端方面提供重要帮助。
美国应回归巴黎气候协议，并就环境和气候变化问题与中国合作，因为抗击全球变暖的宏阔斗争，需要两国的积极参与。但我认为，双边合作最容易着手之处还是在非洲。两国都已在该地区深度介入了抗击疾病、基础设施建设和维持和平等事务——有时是携手合作。非洲民众——一如世界上其他地区数十亿人一样——不想被迫选边站。相反，他们欢迎各方的协同努力——汇集资源、分享专业知识和设计彼此互补的援助计划。通过与非洲民众合作，美国和中国也能帮助自己克服彼此间的不信任，并重建这一至关重要的关系。
1979年，邓小平和我意识到，我们是在推进和平事业。虽然今天的领导人面对着一个改变了的世界，但和平事业同样重要。领导者必须凭借他们的新愿景、勇气和智慧，应对新的挑战和机遇。但我相信，他们也必须接受我们的信念，即美国和中国需要共同擘画未来——为了他们自己，也为了整个人类。
本文源于《华盛顿邮报》网站，编译：臧博。原文如下：
Jimmy Carter: How to repair the U.S.-China relationship — and prevent a modern Cold War
By Jimmy Carter
Forty years ago, Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping and I normalized diplomatic relations between the People’s Republic of China and the United States, putting an end to three decades of hostility. This led to an era distinguished by peace in East Asia and the Pacific region. China’s spectacular economic growth , in conjunction with its continuing integration with the much larger U.S. economy, has enabled the two countries to become engines of global prosperity. Scientific and cultural exchanges have blossomed, and the United States has since become the top foreign destination for Chinese scholars and tourists. The 40th anniversary of this relationship is a testament to the ability of countries with different histories, cultures and political systems to work together for the greater good. Yet, today, this critical relationship is in jeopardy.
I hear Chinese elites claiming that Americans are conducting an “evil conspiracy” to destabilize China. I hear prominent Americans, disappointed that China has not become a democracy, claiming that China poses a threat to the American way of life. U.S. government reports declare that China is dedicated to challenging U.S. supremacy, and that it is planning to drive the United States out of Asia and reduce its influence in other countries around the world.
If top government officials embrace these dangerous notions, a modern Cold War between our two nations is not inconceivable. At this sensitive moment, misperceptions, miscalculations and failure to follow carefully defined rules of engagement in areas such as the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea could escalate into military conflict, creating a worldwide catastrophe.
The U.S. imposition of tariffs on $200 billion worth of Chinese goods, and China’s retaliatory tariffs, contribute to the deteriorating relationship, hurting both countries.
The 90-day pause in further escalation of tariffs, agreed to at the Group of 20 summit in Argentina, offers the possibility of reaching a permanent agreement on U.S.-China trade. What can we do to build on this progress, and to repair the U.S.-China relationship?
First, the United States’ long-standing complaints — about trade imbalances, intellectual property theft, forced technology transfers, and unfair barriers to U.S. investments and business operations in China — must be addressed quickly and effectively. Neither country should use “national security” as an excuse to obstruct the other’s legitimate commercial activities. China needs competition for its economy to innovate and grow; pursuing a fair and reciprocal relationship is the only way for both countries to remain economically strong.
Second, Americans must acknowledge that, just as China has no right to interfere in U.S. affairs, we have no inherent right to dictate to China how to govern its people or choose its leaders. Though even countries with the closest of relationships may critique each other at times, such engagements should never become directives or edicts; they should rather serve as a two-way street of open dialogue. China’s achievements in sustaining economic growth, alleviating abject poverty and providing developmental assistance to other countries need to be celebrated. At the same time, we cannot ignore its deficiencies in Internet censorship, policies toward minorities and religious restrictions — which should be recorded and criticized.
This balanced approach is key to ensuring that the United States and China continue to work together toward solving some of the most intractable global problems. Despite current tensions on other issues, Chinese support has been essential in our ongoing efforts to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula. Beijing also could offer crucial help in post-conflict reconstruction in the Middle East and Africa, countering terrorism and extremism, and mediating other international disputes.
The United States should return to the Paris climate accord and work with China on environmental and climate-change issues, as the epic struggle against global warming requires active participation from both nations. But I believe the easiest route to bilateral cooperation lies in Africa. Both countries are already heavily involved there in fighting disease, building infrastructure and keeping peace — sometimes cooperatively. Yet each nation has accused the other of economic exploitation or political manipulation. Africans — like billions of other people around the world — do not want to be forced to choose a side. Instead, they welcome the synergy that comes from pooling resources, sharing expertise and designing complementary aid programs. By working together with Africans, the United States and China would also be helping themselves overcome distrust and rebuild this vital relationship.
In 1979, Deng Xiaoping and I knew we were advancing the cause of peace. While today’s leaders face a different world, the cause of peace remains just as important. Leaders must bring new vision, courage and ingenuity to new challenges and opportunities, but I believe they also must accept our conviction that the United States and China need to build their futures together, for themselves and for humanity at large.
